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                        "text": "Constitutionally, the number of electors in each state is equal to the number of members of Congress to which the state is entitled, while the 23rd Amendment grants the District of Columbia the same number of electors as the least populous state, currently three.   No Senator or Representative, or Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, shall be appointed an Elector. \n\nNow, Each political party in each state nominates a slate of candidates for the position of presidential elector. This is most commonly done at the party\u2019s congressional-district conventions and the party\u2019s state convention during the summer or early fall. It is sometimes done in a primary. \n\nTypically, each political party chair certifies to the state\u2019s chief election official the names of the party\u2019s candidate for President and Vice President and the names of the party\u2019s candidates for presidential elector. \n\nUnder the \u201cshort presidential ballot\u201d (now used in all states), the names of the party\u2019s nominee for President and Vice President appear on the ballot.  \n\nWhen a voter casts a vote for a party\u2019s presidential and vice-presidential slate on Election Day (the Tuesday after the first Monday in November), that vote is deemed to be a vote for all of that party\u2019s candidates for presidential elector. \n\nUnable to agree on any particular method for selecting presidential electors, the Founding Fathers left the choice of method exclusively to the states in Article II, Section 1\n\u201cEach State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors\u2026.\u201d  \nThe U.S. Supreme Court has repeatedly characterized the authority of the state legislatures over the manner of awarding their electoral votes as \"plenary\" and \"exclusive.\" \n\nUnder statewide \u201cwinner-take-all\u201d laws, , not mentioned, much less endorsed, in the Constitution  now used in 48 states, the presidential-elector candidates who receive the most popular votes statewide are elected. \n\nIn district winner states, the candidate for the position of presidential elector who receives the most popular votes in each congressional district is elected (with the two remaining electors being based on the statewide popular vote).\n\nIn states enacting the National Popular Vote bill, when enacted by states with a majority of the electoral votes\u2014270 of 538, all of the 270+ presidential electors from the enacting states will be supporters of the presidential candidate receiving the most popular votes among all 50 states (and DC).\n\nEach state\u2019s presidential electors travel to their State Capitol on the first Monday after the second Wednesday in December to cast their votes for President and Vice President. \n\nThe Electoral College will continue to elect the President."
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                        "text": "The bill OBVIOUSLY doesn't eliminate the Electoral College. The Electoral College would continue to elect the President."
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                        "text": "The U.S. Constitution says \"Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors . . .\" \nThe U.S. Supreme Court has repeatedly characterized the authority of the state legislatures over the manner of awarding their electoral votes as \"plenary\" and \"exclusive.\"\n\nThe normal way of changing the method of electing the President is not a federal constitutional amendment, but changes in state law. \n\nHistorically, major changes in the method of electing the President have come about by state legislative action. For example, the people had no vote for President in most states in the nation's first election in 1789. However, now, as a result of changes in the state laws governing the appointment of presidential electors, the people have the right to vote for presidential electors in 100\u0025 of the states. \n\nIn 1789, only 3 states used the winner-take-all method (awarding all of a state's electoral vote to the candidate who gets the most votes in the state). However, as a result of changes in state laws, the winner-take-all method is now currently used by 48 of the 50 states. \n\nIn 1789, it was necessary to own a substantial amount of property in order to vote; however, as a result of changes in state laws, there are now no property requirements for voting in any state. \n\nIn other words, neither of the two most important features of the current system of electing the President (namely, that the voters may vote and the winner-take-all method) are in the U.S. Constitution. Neither was the choice of the Founders when they went back to their states to organize the nation's first presidential election. \n\nThe normal process of effecting change in the method of electing the President is specified in the U.S. Constitution, namely action by the state legislatures. This is how the current system was created, and this is the built-in method that the Constitution provides for making changes. The abnormal process is to go outside the Constitution and amend it.\n\nStates can, and have, changed their method of awarding electoral votes over the years. Maine (in 1969) and Nebraska (in 1992) chose not to have winner-take-all laws\n\nThe constitutional wording does not encourage, discourage, require, or prohibit the use of any particular method for awarding a state's electoral votes.\n\nThe National Popular Vote bill is 73\u0025 of the way to guaranteeing the majority of Electoral College votes and the presidency in 2020 to the candidate who receives the most popular votes in the country, by changing state laws, without changing anything in the Constitution, using the built-in method that the Constitution provides for states to make changes."
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                        "text": "The U.S. Constitution says \"Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors . . .\" \nThe U.S. Supreme Court has repeatedly characterized the authority of the state legislatures over the manner of awarding their electoral votes as \"plenary\" and \"exclusive.\"\n\nThe normal way of changing the method of electing the President is not a federal constitutional amendment, but changes in state law. \n\nHistorically, major changes in the method of electing the President have come about by state legislative action. For example, the people had no vote for President in most states in the nation's first election in 1789. However, now, as a result of changes in the state laws governing the appointment of presidential electors, the people have the right to vote for presidential electors in 100\u0025 of the states. \n\nIn 1789, only 3 states used the winner-take-all method (awarding all of a state's electoral vote to the candidate who gets the most votes in the state). However, as a result of changes in state laws, the winner-take-all method is now currently used by 48 of the 50 states. \n\nIn 1789, it was necessary to own a substantial amount of property in order to vote; however, as a result of changes in state laws, there are now no property requirements for voting in any state. \n\nIn other words, neither of the two most important features of the current system of electing the President (namely, that the voters may vote and the winner-take-all method) are in the U.S. Constitution. Neither was the choice of the Founders when they went back to their states to organize the nation's first presidential election. \n\nThe normal process of effecting change in the method of electing the President is specified in the U.S. Constitution, namely action by the state legislatures. This is how the current system was created, and this is the built-in method that the Constitution provides for making changes. The abnormal process is to go outside the Constitution and amend it.\n\nStates can, and have, changed their method of awarding electoral votes over the years. Maine (in 1969) and Nebraska (in 1992) chose not to have winner-take-all laws\n\nThe constitutional wording does not encourage, discourage, require, or prohibit the use of any particular method for awarding a state's electoral votes.\n\nThe National Popular Vote bill is 73\u0025 of the way to guaranteeing the majority of Electoral College votes and the presidency in 2020 to the candidate who receives the most popular votes in the country, by changing state laws, without changing anything in the Constitution, using the built-in method that the Constitution provides for states to make changes.",
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                        "text": "The National Popular Vote bill doesn't change ANYTHING in the Constitution.  There is therefore no need for an amendment."
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                        "text": "With the current system (not mentioned in the U.S. Constitution, but later enacted by 48 states), a small number of people in a closely divided \u201cbattleground\u201d state can potentially affect enough popular votes to swing all of that state\u2019s electoral votes. \n\n537 votes, all in one state determined the 2000 election, when there was a lead of 537,179 (1,000 times more) popular votes nationwide.\n\nIf 59,393 votes had shifted from George W. Bush to John Kerry in Ohio in 2004, Kerry would have won Ohio and thus become President, despite President Bush\u2019s nationwide lead of 3,012,171 votes (51 times more).  It would be far easier for potential fraudsters to manufacture 59,393 votes in Ohio than to manufacture 3,012,171 votes nationwide. Moreover, it would be far more difficult to conceal fraud involving three million votes. \n\nThe current state-by-state winner-take-all system of awarding electoral votes maximizes the incentive and opportunity for fraud, mischief, coercion, intimidation, confusion, and voter suppression. A very few people can change the national outcome by adding, changing, or suppressing a small number of votes in one closely divided battleground state. With the current system all of a state's electoral votes are awarded to the candidate who receives a bare plurality of the votes in each state. The sheer magnitude of the national popular vote number, compared to individual state vote totals, is much more robust against manipulation.\n\nNational Popular Vote would limit the benefits to be gained by fraud or voter suppression.  One suppressed vote would be one less vote. One fraudulent vote would only win one vote in the return. In the current electoral system, one fraudulent vote could mean 55 electoral votes, or just enough electoral votes to win the presidency without having the most popular votes in the country. \n\nThe closest popular-vote election count over the last 130+ years of American history (in 1960), had a nationwide margin of more than 100,000 popular votes.  The closest electoral-vote election in American history (in 2000) was determined by 537 votes, all in one state, when there was a lead of 537,179 (1,000 times more) popular votes nationwide.\n\nFor a national popular vote election to be as easy to switch as 2000, it would have to be two hundred times closer than the 1960 election--and, in popular-vote terms, forty times closer than 2000 itself."
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                        "text": "With the current system (not mentioned in the U.S. Constitution, but later enacted by 48 states), a small number of people in a closely divided \u201cbattleground\u201d state can potentially affect enough popular votes to swing all of that state\u2019s electoral votes. \n\n537 votes, all in one state determined the 2000 election, when there was a lead of 537,179 (1,000 times more) popular votes nationwide.\n\nIf 59,393 votes had shifted from George W. Bush to John Kerry in Ohio in 2004, Kerry would have won Ohio and thus become President, despite President Bush\u2019s nationwide lead of 3,012,171 votes (51 times more).  It would be far easier for potential fraudsters to manufacture 59,393 votes in Ohio than to manufacture 3,012,171 votes nationwide. Moreover, it would be far more difficult to conceal fraud involving three million votes. \n\nThe current state-by-state winner-take-all system of awarding electoral votes maximizes the incentive and opportunity for fraud, mischief, coercion, intimidation, confusion, and voter suppression. A very few people can change the national outcome by adding, changing, or suppressing a small number of votes in one closely divided battleground state. With the current system all of a state's electoral votes are awarded to the candidate who receives a bare plurality of the votes in each state. The sheer magnitude of the national popular vote number, compared to individual state vote totals, is much more robust against manipulation.\n\nNational Popular Vote would limit the benefits to be gained by fraud or voter suppression.  One suppressed vote would be one less vote. One fraudulent vote would only win one vote in the return. In the current electoral system, one fraudulent vote could mean 55 electoral votes, or just enough electoral votes to win the presidency without having the most popular votes in the country. \n\nThe closest popular-vote election count over the last 130+ years of American history (in 1960), had a nationwide margin of more than 100,000 popular votes.  The closest electoral-vote election in American history (in 2000) was determined by 537 votes, all in one state, when there was a lead of 537,179 (1,000 times more) popular votes nationwide.\n\nFor a national popular vote election to be as easy to switch as 2000, it would have to be two hundred times closer than the 1960 election--and, in popular-vote terms, forty times closer than 2000 itself.",
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                        "text": "The results in Texas in 2016 gave Trump his Electoral College win. \nIf Clinton had won Texas, she would be president.\n\n5,187,019 Californians live in rural areas. \n1,366,760 New Yorkers live in rural areas.\n\nNow, because of statewide winner-take-all laws for awarding electors, minority party voters in the states don\u2019t matter.\n\nCalifornia and New York state together would not dominate the choice of President under National Popular Vote because there is an equally populous group of Republican states (with 58 million people) that gave Trump a similar percentage of their vote (60\u0025) and a similar popular-vote margin (6 million).\n\nIn 2016, New York state and California Democrats together cast 9.7\u0025 of the total national popular vote.\n\nCalifornia & New York state account for 16.7\u0025 of the voting-eligible population \n\nAlone, they could not determine the presidency.\n\nIn total New York state and California cast 16\u0025 of the total national popular vote\n\nIn total, Florida, Texas, and Pennsylvania cast 18\u0025 of the total national popular vote. \nTrump won those states.\t\n\nThe vote margin in California and New York wouldn't have put Clinton over the top in the popular vote total without the additional 60 million votes she received in other states.\n\nIn 2004, among the four largest states, the two largest Republican states (Texas and Florida) generated a total margin of 2.1 million votes for Bush, while the two largest Democratic states generated a total margin of 2.1 million votes for Kerry.  \n\nNew York state and California together cast 15.7\u0025 of the national popular vote in 2012. \nAbout 62\u0025 Democratic in CA, and 64\u0025 in NY. \n\nNew York and California have 15.6\u0025 of Electoral College votes.  Now that proportion is all reliably Democratic.\n\nUnder a popular-vote system CA and NY would have less weight than under the current system because their popular votes would be diluted among candidates."
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                        "text": "The results in Texas in 2016 gave Trump his Electoral College win. \nIf Clinton had won Texas, she would be president.\n\n5,187,019 Californians live in rural areas. \n1,366,760 New Yorkers live in rural areas.\n\nNow, because of statewide winner-take-all laws for awarding electors, minority party voters in the states don\u2019t matter.\n\nCalifornia and New York state together would not dominate the choice of President under National Popular Vote because there is an equally populous group of Republican states (with 58 million people) that gave Trump a similar percentage of their vote (60\u0025) and a similar popular-vote margin (6 million).\n\nIn 2016, New York state and California Democrats together cast 9.7\u0025 of the total national popular vote.\n\nCalifornia & New York state account for 16.7\u0025 of the voting-eligible population \n\nAlone, they could not determine the presidency.\n\nIn total New York state and California cast 16\u0025 of the total national popular vote\n\nIn total, Florida, Texas, and Pennsylvania cast 18\u0025 of the total national popular vote. \nTrump won those states.\t\n\nThe vote margin in California and New York wouldn't have put Clinton over the top in the popular vote total without the additional 60 million votes she received in other states.\n\nIn 2004, among the four largest states, the two largest Republican states (Texas and Florida) generated a total margin of 2.1 million votes for Bush, while the two largest Democratic states generated a total margin of 2.1 million votes for Kerry.  \n\nNew York state and California together cast 15.7\u0025 of the national popular vote in 2012. \nAbout 62\u0025 Democratic in CA, and 64\u0025 in NY. \n\nNew York and California have 15.6\u0025 of Electoral College votes.  Now that proportion is all reliably Democratic.\n\nUnder a popular-vote system CA and NY would have less weight than under the current system because their popular votes would be diluted among candidates.",
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                        "text": "Voters in the biggest cities in the US have been almost exactly balanced out by rural areas in terms of population and partisan composition.\n\n16\u0025 of the U.S. population lives outside the nation's Metropolitan Statistical Areas.  Rural America has voted 60\u0025 Republican. None of the 10 most rural states matter now.\n\n16\u0025 of the U.S. population lives in the top 100 cities. They voted 63\u0025 Democratic in 2004. \n\nThe population of the top 50 cities (going as far down as Arlington, TX) is only 15\u0025 of the population of the United States. \n\nThe rest of the U.S., in suburbs, divide almost exactly equally between Republicans and Democrats."
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                        "text": "Voters in the biggest cities in the US have been almost exactly balanced out by rural areas in terms of population and partisan composition.\n\n16\u0025 of the U.S. population lives outside the nation's Metropolitan Statistical Areas.  Rural America has voted 60\u0025 Republican. None of the 10 most rural states matter now.\n\n16\u0025 of the U.S. population lives in the top 100 cities. They voted 63\u0025 Democratic in 2004. \n\nThe population of the top 50 cities (going as far down as Arlington, TX) is only 15\u0025 of the population of the United States. \n\nThe rest of the U.S., in suburbs, divide almost exactly equally between Republicans and Democrats.",
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                        "text": "\u201cThe idea that suddenly, presidential nominees would run campaigns like mayoral races in big cities is a fanciful excuse to justify an outdated system of electing a president.\u201d \u2013 Stuart Stevens\n\nA successful nationwide presidential campaign of polling, organizing, ad spending, and visits, with every voter equal, would be run the way presidential candidates campaign to win the electoral votes of closely divided battleground states, such as Ohio and Florida, under the state-by-state winner-take-all methods. The big cities in those battleground states do not receive all the attention, much less control the outcome. Cleveland and Miami do not receive all the attention or control the outcome in Ohio and Florida.  In the 4 states that accounted for over two-thirds of all general-election activity in the 2012 presidential election, rural areas, suburbs, exurbs, and cities all received attention\u2014roughly in proportion to their population.\n\nThe itineraries of presidential candidates in battleground states (and their allocation of other campaign resources in battleground states, including polling, organizing, and ad spending) reflect the political reality that every gubernatorial or senatorial candidate knows. When and where every voter is equal, a campaign must be run everywhere.\n\nWith National Popular Vote, when every voter is equal, everywhere, it makes sense for presidential candidates to try and elevate their votes where they are and aren't so well liked. But, under the state-by-state winner-take-all laws, it makes no sense for a Democrat to campaign in any Red or Blue state, or for a Republican to campaign in any Red or Blue state.\n\nThe main media at the moment, TV, costs much more per impression in big cities than in smaller towns and rural area. Candidates get more bang for the buck in smaller towns and rural areas."
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                        "text": "\u201cThe idea that suddenly, presidential nominees would run campaigns like mayoral races in big cities is a fanciful excuse to justify an outdated system of electing a president.\u201d \u2013 Stuart Stevens\n\nA successful nationwide presidential campaign of polling, organizing, ad spending, and visits, with every voter equal, would be run the way presidential candidates campaign to win the electoral votes of closely divided battleground states, such as Ohio and Florida, under the state-by-state winner-take-all methods. The big cities in those battleground states do not receive all the attention, much less control the outcome. Cleveland and Miami do not receive all the attention or control the outcome in Ohio and Florida.  In the 4 states that accounted for over two-thirds of all general-election activity in the 2012 presidential election, rural areas, suburbs, exurbs, and cities all received attention\u2014roughly in proportion to their population.\n\nThe itineraries of presidential candidates in battleground states (and their allocation of other campaign resources in battleground states, including polling, organizing, and ad spending) reflect the political reality that every gubernatorial or senatorial candidate knows. When and where every voter is equal, a campaign must be run everywhere.\n\nWith National Popular Vote, when every voter is equal, everywhere, it makes sense for presidential candidates to try and elevate their votes where they are and aren't so well liked. But, under the state-by-state winner-take-all laws, it makes no sense for a Democrat to campaign in any Red or Blue state, or for a Republican to campaign in any Red or Blue state.\n\nThe main media at the moment, TV, costs much more per impression in big cities than in smaller towns and rural area. Candidates get more bang for the buck in smaller towns and rural areas.",
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